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07-06-2005, 01:44 PM
Islamic Feminism Finds a Different Voice


The Muslim women's movement is discovering its roots in Islam, not in imitating Western feminists.
By Elizabeth Warnock Fernea I first went to the Middle East as a bride in 1956. My new husband, Robert Fernea, was setting out to do the field research for his doctoral dissertation in social anthropology at the University of Chicago and we settled in a small southern Iraqi village. Before we left, my mother counseled me to "try to enlighten" Middle Eastern women, because, she said, they were in grave need of Western women's help. The little I knew about the Middle East at the time seemed to be in accord with my mother's opinion.

Rather than welcoming my enlightened self, though, the Muslim women of the town where we were to live pitied me. To them, I did not even come close to the local ideal of womanhood. I was childless, thin, had short hair. I couldn't cook and, since I had no gold, my parents and my husband's parents evidently did not value me. Further, my husband had to be cruel, since he had brought me all the way from America alone, without any of my female relatives for company and support. This was further indication that a beneficial marriage had not been arranged properly by my parents.

Still, instead of ignoring and rejecting me, these kind women, young and old, took me in, and proceed to enlighten me. They taught me to cook rice, helped me improve my Arabic, advised me to get more gold from my husband as insurance against an uncertain future, invited me to weddings and religious occasions. Quite literally, they took care of me, benighted creature that they perceived me to be. I am forever in their debt for their ministrations.

To be pitied for what I cherished -- free choice of a spouse, opportunity for education, freedom to travel -- was a humbling experience. It made me re-evaluate my view of the world of women. Yet, when, on returning to the U. S. after two years of village life, I tried to explain my new understanding of and respect for cultural differences, my mother and my old college friends looked at me in disbelief. They suggested that I was misled, perhaps even brainwashed, since they were certain that Muslim women were living in ignorance and oppression. I replied that I had no desire to live the life of Iraqi village women, but that their views of the world and ways of living in it were at least worthy of respect. My experience led to my first book, Guests of the Sheik, a chronicle of those two years in Iraq that literally changed my life. I have been writing about, lecturing on and filming Middle Eastern women ever since.

But I am still asked the same questions today that my mother and my friends asked 44 years ago. What is it about a Muslim, Middle Eastern woman that evokes such strong negative responses in the West? After all, the West is a patriarchal society, too, sanctioned by the same monotheistic belief in God the Father as Judaism and Islam, the other two Abrahamic religions. But in any Western discussion of women's condition around the world, Islam always implies a worst case scenario. Curiously, the same stereotypes are not found in Western representations of Hindu women whose official legal status falls far below that of Muslim women. When a Hindu woman marries, for instance, she is formally detached from her own family and officially becomes part of her husband's family. This means that if her husband dies, the wife has no place to go.

Women and the Koran In contrast, Muslim women remain members of their natal families throughout their lives. Divorced or widowed women have the right to return home and be supported. Further, under Koranic law a woman has legal status as a person and can perform religious duties similar to those of a man. She has the authority to prophesy, to accept or refuse a marriage offer, to administer economic enterprises and, most importantly, to inherit property. Though her share is only half a man's share, it is property nonetheless. Although greedy male kin have not always honored these rights, they stand on the books as sacred law and may be invoked in court by women who feel they have been unjustly treated.

When I visited the courts of Cairo and Rabat in 1995 and 1996, I met women and their lawyers who crowded the halls waiting to argue their cases to achieve what they perceived to be their just rights. Some observers have recently suggested that the outrage against Islam in the Christian medieval world had much to do with the revolutionary -- for the time -- Muslim pronouncements about women. What kind of religion would allow women to inherit? According to medieval thought, women were not capable of handling money. Economic rights like inheritance were not granted to women in England until the Married Women's Property Act in the mid-19th century. Until 1970, in some states in America, daughters still did not automatically inherit, particularly if valuable assets like farmland were at stake. Unless the father specifically designated his daughter as heir, and if there no brothers, the land passed to the nearest male relative. Muslim women have had better rights since 632 AD.

In America, the first states to grant women inheritance rights were Texas, California, Arizona and New Mexico, all of which were once under Spanish control. That means that Moorish --Islamic -- law was the basis for American women's contemporary inheritance rights.

Today, Muslim women are exercising economic and other prerogatives, moving ahead in personal and professional ways that would have been totally improbable a half century ago. Women of all social classes are moving into the labor force, into schools and universities and into the mosques, banks and courts. Scores of academic books, articles and conferences held in the Western world testify to this progress. Yet despite these changes, I keep being asked the same stereotyped questions by lay, educated Westerners. Why? The answer requires digging deeper into history.

The Middle East has always constituted an exotic "other" for the West. When Europe was still in the process of developing from a backward economy and a group of warring states, the Islamic world was a center of culture, arts, sciences and technology. A source of silks and spices, the Eastern world became for the West a fabled land of enchantment, as well as one of hidden, erotic women. Historically, the Western relationship with the Middle East has been complicated not only by these exotic images, but by religious differences which go back to the founding of Islam in the 7th century. The Prophet Muhammad saw his new belief system as arising out of Judaism and Christianity, and even termed Jews and Christians "People of the Book," that is, those with the same original beliefs. The Christian hierarchy, however, immediately labeled Islam heresy. By the 11th century, Christians mounted the Crusades, a series of wars to reclaim the Holy Land from heretical peoples. Even in 1917, the Crusades were alive in the mind of British Gen. Edmund Allenby, who is reported to have shouted as he entered Jerusalem during the Palestinian campaign in World War I: "Saladin! Saladin! Sultan of Islam! We have returned!"

This state of mind is also reflected in media accounts that refer to Muslims as "believers in Allah," as if they are referring to some false god and not simply the Arabic word for God. And until the 19th century, when lay Orientalist scholars began to translate Arabic, Hebrew, Persian and Turkish texts, all information about Islam had been translated by Christian clerics with their own points to prove.

Of course, the political clout of Muslim countries certainly contributed to their demonization in the West. The Middle East was seen as an enemy, a rival for trade and natural resources. Late in the 7th century the Arab Empire arose, spreading north and west to Sicily, Spain and even to France. Finally, the grandfather of Charlemagne stopped Muslim armies at Tours in 722, almost a century after Muhammad's death. Muslim, Jewish and Christian merchants continued to conduct a lucrative trade across the Mediterranean until Granada fell in 1492 to the Catholic monarchists, Isabella and Ferdinand. But Muslims did not disappear from the political scene. The Ottoman Muslims next pushed east from the Anatolian peninsula to the gates of Vienna.

Odalisques and Slaves

Given this historical competition and enmity, is it any wonder that the West continues to stereotype the East? Muslim women have been doubly stereotyped. Early chronicles, novels, poems, plays and travel accounts characterize the Muslim woman as "hidden," but also an odalisque, a very sexy lady, lightly clad and much bejeweled, reclining provocatively on a chaise longue while being fanned by slaves with ostrich feather fans.

In 1849, the great French novelist Gustave Flaubert, in his Travels in Egypt, gives just such a description of Kuchuk Hanum, a prostitute with whom he enjoyed a memorable one-night stand. The 19th century French painters were also fascinated with the erotic, dream-like subject matter and painted harem scenes from fables, written descriptions and their own imaginations. Eugene Delacroix' Femmes d'Alger dans leur appartement is a well-known example of what was once a painter's favorite subject. Edward William Lane, noted Arabist, in his 1860 book, Manners and Customs of the Modern Egyptians, confidently tells his readers, "The women of Egypt have the character of being the most licentious in their feelings of all females who lay any claim to be considered as members of a civilized nation."

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07-06-2005, 01:45 PM
Occasionally an observer took exception to such heated exotics. Lady Mary Wortley Montagu, a poet and wife of the first British ambassador to the Sublime Porte of Turkey, noted that most Western accounts about harems tended to be written by men, based on hearsay. In 1717, she wrote to a friend in London: "Your whole letter is full of mistakes from one end to 'tother. I see you have taken your ideas of Turkey from that worthy author Dumont, who has writ with equal ignorance and confidence. 'Tis a particular pleasure to me here to read the voyages to the Levant, which are generally so far remov'd from Truth and so full of Absurditys I am very well diverted with 'em. They never fail giving you an Account of the Women, which 'tis certain they never saw, and talking very wisely of the Genius of the Men, into whose Company they are never admitted, and very often describe Mosques, which they dare not peep into."

Lady Mary was a product of the Enlightenment and an adherent of Deism, that benevolent belief that saw all religions, including Islam, as worthy of respect. But, by the 19th century, with the Industrial Revolution and the onset of imperialism and colonialism, different images of Muslim women began to emerge from Western women's observations. The new image was that of a combination household slave and baby machine, a pathetic creature. This theme runs throughout missionaries' diaries and travel accounts. It was the burden of Western women to improve and enlighten these ladies they saw as downtrodden and whose plight they attributed to Islam, not poverty. In 1966, Germaine Tillion, a respected French ethnographer, wrote of Muslim women: "The feminine veil has become a symbol; that of slavery of one portion of humanity."

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07-06-2005, 01:46 PM
Hidden or Protected?

I, too, held such views, until I came to know Middle Eastern Muslim women as friends and learned about the diversity of their lives. For there is no single typical Muslim woman, any more than there is a single Christian, Jewish, Buddhist or Hindu woman. Muslim women's lives -- like Muslim men's lives -- differ depending on their social class, economic means, their rural or urban roots, their family position, and their interpretation and practice of their religion. There is no central authority that dictates to all Muslims what is and what is not religiously sanctioned behavior. Each group within the larger Umma, or community of Muslims, regulates its own behavior, according to the Koran and the sayings and traditions known as hadiths. But any given group also uses its traditions and social customs to interpret the Koran. Such interpretations are offered by jurists educated in one of six schools of Koranic law -- four under the Sunni and two under the Shia. For example, Mut'a, or "temporary marriage," (a couple signs a contract to be married for a specific amount of time) is allowed by the Shia, but forbidden by the Sunnis. The Sunnis split inheritance in a way the Shia believe is unjust to women. If a Sunni father dies leaving no sons, the daughters still inherit only part of the estate; the rest goes to the nearest male relative. If there are no sons, Shia law gives daughters all of the father's estate.

Proper woman's dress is also subject to diverse interpretation. Koranic verses suggest -- as do Biblical verses -- that women should be modest and cover their beauty before strangers. Does that mean complete cover, as in Saudi Arabia and Afghanistan? Or partial cover, such as a long, loose dress and headscarf? Or something in between?

Though social practice varies throughout the Islamic world, Westerners have often described Islam -- and particularly women's roles in Islam -- as static and fixed. Yet, today women's proper role is a central political issue throughout the Muslim world. In most countries women are seen as the center of the family, as complementary to men, who, with women, are the reproducers of family lineage, culture and religious belief. But as Middle Eastern economic, political and social life changes radically, people are looking back to their shared religious roots for identity. The debates now going on within a revived Islamic community center on how Islamic faith should guide the direction of both men and women in the new millennium, with particular emphasis on women's place in society.

The contemporary Islamic women's movement, then, must be viewed in relation to cultural and religious values, rather than in the context of modern, Western, feminist stereotypes. Islam enjoins both men and women to marry and have children. In this way, both become mature persons and complete Muslims. In Islam, sex within the bounds of marriage is to be enjoyed as one of the pleasures of this world, a view closer to Judaism than to Christianity. In contrast, Christians have always celebrated the elevation of the spirit and the suppression of the flesh.

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07-06-2005, 01:47 PM
Historically, Christian women have been bound to the church, but without the Muslim woman's symbolic motherhood powers and role within the family. They were forbidden divorce until after the Reformation, and, most importantly, lacked economic resources of their own. Even Lady Mary Wortley Montagu, who was beholden to her own husband for every penny, noted that Turkish women were "rich having all their money in their own hands, which they take with 'em upon a divorce with an addition which he is oblig'd to give 'em."

Following the Industrial Revolution in the 19th century, Western men and women fought for the emancipation of women. The West began to see itself as advanced, a role model for other nations and peoples. This view continues today, with Western women citing their 20th century freedoms as shining examples for others to follow. As late as 1982, Juliette Minces, a well-known French feminist, wrote, "Is it Euro-centric to put forward the lives of Western women as the only democratic, just and forward-looking model? I do not think so. They (the Muslim women, that is) must become like us."

Muslim women are searching their own traditions for the means to achieve gender justice, however, rather than trying to be "like us." One of the principal avenues of their struggle is the arena of religion. This may perplex the average Westerner, who does not see religion and women's liberation on the same page. Certainly the West has believed that church and state must be separated before democracy can develop. But in Islamic society, no such division has ever taken place. In Islamic countries, religion, as Islamic scholar John A. Williams once stated, "is not part of the structure, it is the structure." Since religion equals power, Muslim women's move to work for gender justice through the existing power structure seems a reasonable and advantageous decision.

To the average Westerner, however, religious Islam does not seem at all reasonable. The term conjures up media photos of women wearing veils, modest long dresses or headscarves. To see women on the streets and in their places of work in "Islamic dress" only proves what was never doubted: that Muslim women are dominated by men and forced to look unattractive by husbands and fathers. But the reality behind the image is complex and varies from place to place. In Saudi Arabia and Afghanistan state law obliges women to dress in this fashion. But that is not the case in Egypt, Morocco or most other Middle Eastern countries. In Tunisia, the veil is forbidden. In Turkey, it is a source of controversy, as secular feminists march against its use and religious women march for their freedom to wear it. Yet, in Western minds the "cover" is an indication of oppression. Perhaps that assumption comes from the west's own experience that religious states and societies may be oppressive.

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07-06-2005, 01:48 PM
Gender Justice

Many Muslim women are finding that religious affiliation is often more freeing than restricting. A woman wearing hijab, modest dress, is able to move more easily in crowded streets and can expect respect rather than harassment in the work place. Westerners like Gustave Flaubert viewed Islamic society as charged with eroticism; men of the society certainly viewed women as either sexual objects or mother figures. But as more and more Muslim women become religiously identified and objects of public respect more than sexual desire, that is changing. Islamic dress also carries authority with it. A growing group of highly educated, religious women see themselves as engaged in a new effort to use their education to, as they say, look deep into the spirit of the Koran and find there the gender justice they believe was the original intent of the Prophet Mohammed. Hundreds of women's groups -- with more than 300 in Cairo alone -- have sprung up all over the Middle East. They have been formed not only as secular consciousness-raising groups, but also as Koranic study groups. Thus women have become today not only the subjects of intense religious debate, but also participants in that discourse. In the past, men interpreted the Koranic verses and the hadiths that described women's rights. Women themselves are now arguing for new evaluations of those older interpretations -- and supporting their arguments with evidence from the sacred texts.

These new movements differ from earlier Middle Eastern women's movements because they cross class lines. Further, they must be seen in the background of other developments in Middle Eastern society in the past 50 years. The new nationalist governments that came to power after the end of European colonial rule made many promises: equal access to education and health care for men and women, land and judicial reform, industrialization. Though not all promises have been fulfilled, most countries have made great strides in education. From a tiny minority of elite men and women in school before the 1950s, the number of men and women receiving primary, secondary and post-secondary education has jumped enormously. In Egypt, which has a literacy rate of 50 percent, half the students in universities are women. According to UNESCO comparative surveys, in 1959 in Morocco, three years after independence, only 2,500 men and women were enrolled in university programs. By 1997 the total was more than 250,000 students; half were women. In Saudi Arabia, literacy rates for women have climbed from two percent in 1970 to 48 percent in 1990.

The transformation of the Middle East economy from rural and agricultural to urban and industrial has meant that most families need two incomes to survive. Thus, for the first time, women have entered the labor force, not to take "creatively fulfilling jobs," but to put bread on the table. In 1973 studies showed that only 7 percent of Middle Eastern women worked outside the home. Today, that figure is nearly 30 percent. And official statistics do not include women who work part-time, domestic workers, nannies or seasonal agricultural laborers. The new Middle Eastern woman can be found in almost every arena: education, economics, the media, hospitals, factories, the courts, banks and industrial complexes. One of the newest representatives to OPEC is Kuwaiti Siham Rizouki, who was elected chairman for 1998. And although some countries still do not allow women to serve as judges, 20 percent of all judges in Morocco are women, more than in the U.S. Egyptian Heba Handoussa, an economist, heads the powerful Economic Forum of the Middle East and North Africa.

Consciousness Raising

What, then, if they don't want to be "like us," do Middle Eastern women want? Equal pay for equal work is the law in many Middle Eastern countries, though it is not always implemented. Egyptian factories employing more than 100 women are required to provide free childcare. Maternity leave, which is justified as better for the family, is taken for granted in professional jobs. Abortion is more or less accepted, if it is seen as better for the family or for the mother. Middle Eastern women do not seem interested in destroying the family structure, but they do want to equalize their position in it. Hence the call for equal access to divorce, equal access to child custody, equal inheritance and an end to polygamy. These issues are seldom discussed publicly in Saudi Arabia, but Moroccan women campaigned successfully in 1994 to partially improve child custody laws. In the past, custody automatically went to fathers, but now mothers receive custody, at least until they remarry.

Women in Egypt recently celebrated a great triumph: the passage by the People's Assembly of khula, or consensual divorce. Women are now free to ask for and get a divorce if they are willing to return their dowries; the law was justified on religious grounds.

"The khula right is undoubtedly provided in the Islamic sharia. It is mentioned explicitly in Quran and sunna," said Muhammad Hakashi, a leading scholar at Dar al Ifta, the official body which issues religious decisions (fatwas) in cooperation with Al-Azhar University, the Islamic institution that helps define the laws of public morality in Egypt. My friends in the religious women's groups who supported the move said that the right had been in Islamic law all along, but they had to point it out to the men.